Friday, August 15, 2025

Are You a Precrastinator? Yes, a PREcrastinator !

We all are too familiar with procrastination—putting things off until the last possible moment. But there’s a lesser-known cousin with an oddly similar name: precrastination. This is when someone rushes to start or finish a task far earlier than necessary, even when doing so costs them extra effort or inconvenience. A trivial, everyday example is grabbing a heavy grocery bag from the far end of the parking lot right away, instead of using a shopping cart until you’re closer to your car—just because it feels good to get started.

In 2025, Adam Fox, Ayesha Khatun, and Laken Mooney set out to answer two key questions about this peculiar behavior. First, is precrastination driven by trait impulsivity—the tendency to act quickly and prefer immediate rewards over delayed ones? Second, does the amount of physical effort required change how likely people are to precrastinate?

In Experiment 1, they measured people’s impulsivity using a “delay discounting” task (DD). [wherein participants make choices between a smaller, immediate amount of (hypothetical) money and a larger, delayed amount, and an adjusting-amount procedure is used to determine the subjective value of the delayed amount (Yeh, Y-H, Joel Myerson, J., & Green, J.L. (2021).]   DD is regarded as a common way to see how much a person devalues a reward if it’s not immediate. They then observed how often participants engaged in precrastination. Surprisingly, there was no clear link. People who tended to choose instant gratification were not necessarily the ones rushing to complete low-effort tasks early.

Experiment 2 shifted focus to effort. The researchers designed tasks where participants could choose to do something early—at an extra physical cost—or wait until it was easier. As the effort increased, something interesting happened: the precrastination urge began to fade. People started behaving more “optimally,” waiting until the task required less work.

The takeaway? Precrastination doesn’t seem to be the same thing as impulsivity, at least not the kind measured by delay discounting. Instead, it may be more about a preference for reducing mental load—getting something off your mind—so long as the effort required isn’t too high. There’s a limit: when the physical cost becomes noticeable, even precrastinators start thinking twice. In short, this study helps map the boundaries of precrastination. It’s a quirk of human behavior that thrives in low-effort situations, but fizzles when the cost of acting early becomes too steep.

Some would conclude that precrastination isn’t just impulsivity in disguise. It’s something else—a mental itch to “get it over with” and free up cognitive space. But like most itches, it’s easier to scratch when it doesn’t hurt. Once the physical cost rises high enough, even the most eager precrastinators start holding back. So, the next time you find yourself rushing to complete something—hauling laundry up two flights of stairs when you could wait for the elevator—pause for a second. You might be scratching an itch your brain invented, not solving a real problem.

The idea of  “impulsivity," however, was insufficiently addressed by Fox, et al. So, it’s worthwhile to “reflect” upon previous research regarding the difference between acting too fast, and pausing to first think thing through. There is, in fact,  a long-standing idea that people vary in how they balance reflection—pausing to consider options before acting—and impulsivity—acting quickly, often without much deliberation. Psychologists sometimes measure that balance with tools like the Matching Familiar Figures Test (MFFT) that has been used to explain why some people think before leaping while others just leap.

On the surface, precrastination seems like it should live on the impulsive end of this spectrum. After all, starting a task unnecessarily early—especially when it costs extra effort—sounds like an act now, think later strategy. But the Fox, Khatun, and Mooney study throws a wrench into that neat assumption. In reflection–impulsivity research, impulsive individuals tend to act with minimal forethought, especially when tempted by an immediate reward. Yet in the precrastination experiments, impulsivity (as measured by delay discounting, a common proxy for reward-driven impulsivity) didn’t predict who precrastinated. People who usually jumped at instant gratification weren’t necessarily the ones dragging the grocery bag from the far end of the parking lot.

This suggests that precrastination isn’t just about a failure to reflect, at least not in the same way classical impulsivity is. Instead, it might be tied to cognitive load management. In other words, precrastinators might be trying to reduce mental “to-do list” pressure by knocking out easy tasks quickly—more a case of mental housekeeping than impulsive thrill-seeking.

The effort manipulation in Experiment 2 strengthens this distinction. In traditional reflection–impulsivity models, impulsive individuals might still go for the quick option even if it’s harder. But here, when the physical cost rose, precrastination faded and behavior became more optimal. That’s not typical impulsivity—that’s a calculated willingness to stop acting early when the price is too high.

So, while both impulsivity and precrastination involve quick action, they spring from different motives: Classical impulsivity is about chasing immediate rewards and avoiding delay, often at the expense of accuracy, efficiency, or long-term benefit. Precrastination seems to be about clearing cognitive space, but only when the extra cost feels small. From the perspective of the reflection–impulsivity spectrum, precrastinators might sit in an unusual spot: they appear “impulsive” in timing, but “reflective” in weighing physical cost—almost a hybrid strategy shaped less by reward-seeking and more by the desire to offload mental burdens. It is refreshing to find that the current study can be reconciled with long-established research concerning results from the Matching Familiar Figures Test (MFFT).  That positive convergence is particularly encouraging, given how often similar and/or related behavioral science studies conflict-- a loose version of the so-called "replication crisis." in psychology.

REFERENCES

Fox, A. E., Khatun, A., & Mooney, L. A. (2025). Precrastination: The potential role of trait impulsivity and physical effort. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance, 51(9), 1224–1233. https://doi.org/10.1037/xhp0001348

Yeh, Y-H, Joel Myerson, J., Green, J.L. (2021) Delay discounting, cognitive ability, and personality: What matters?  Psychon Bull Rev. Apr;28(2):686-694.


Friday, August 1, 2025

Why Bad Is Stronger Than Good & What You Can Do About It

Imagine you're walking through a quiet forest trail, the sun dappled on the path, birds chirping in the trees. You’re calm. Peaceful. Then—snap! A twig breaks sharply in the woods to your right. Your heart jumps. Muscles tense. Adrenaline surges. For hours, even days, the memory of that sharp moment might linger, tainting the peaceful walk you were having.

Unfortunately, the human brain evolved to become a finely tuned survival machines hardwired to prioritize the bad over the good. This phenomenon—that bad is stronger than good—isn’t just a poetic observation. It’s a well-documented principle in psychology and neuroscience. The idea is simple but powerful: Negative events, emotions, and feedback have a stronger impact on our thoughts, behaviors, and well-being than equally intense positive experiences.

Over two decades ago, Baumeister and colleagues (2001) summarized research across many domains and found the same consistent pattern: whether in learning, memory, relationships, or impression formation, bad events outpower good ones nearly every time. They claimed that "Bad emotions, bad parents, and bad feedback have more impact than good ones, and bad information is processed more thoroughly than good."

From an evolutionary standpoint, this makes perfect sense. Our ancestors didn’t need to remember every lovely sunset, but they did need to remember which berries made them sick or which paths harbored predators. The brain's alarm system—primarily the amygdala—reacts more strongly to negative stimuli than to positive ones. In fact, neuroimaging studies show that the amygdala responds with more intensity and duration to unpleasant images or words than to pleasant ones (Cacioppo et al., 1999; Taylor, 1991).

A classic study by John Cacioppo found that the brain produced more electrical activity in response to negative photos than to positive or neutral ones. This means we literally process negative input more deeply. This negativity bias is also evident in memory. Negative events are more richly encoded and more vividly recalled. They stick like burrs. Compliments might lift us for a moment, but one insult can echo for years.

One of the most famous practical findings of the bad-is-stronger-than-good principle comes from marriage research by psychologist John Gottman. He discovered that healthy relationships tend to have a ratio of at least five positive interactions for every one negative interaction. Couples who don’t maintain this balance tend to spiral into dissatisfaction and conflict (Gottman, 1994). So, when your partner praises your cooking but frowns at your laundry skills, your brain may amplify the frown and barely register the praise (McCusker, 2016).

How to Overcome the Negativity Bias

The bad may be stronger than the good, but that doesn’t mean we’re helpless. Like any cognitive bias, once we recognize it, we can build counteracting strategies.

1. Deliberate Savoring

Because positive moments are often fleeting, we need to work to stretch them out. Psychologist Barbara Fredrickson suggests consciously savoring good experiences—taking 10–30 seconds to fully absorb them. This gives the brain more time to encode and store the experience, helping it stick.

One Not-So-Obvious-Benefit

The more time you spend savoring the positive, the less you have to ruminate on the negative. 

2. Gratitude Practice

Studies show that writing down three good things each day (Seligman et al., 2005) can rewire your brain toward noticing the positive. Over time, this shifts attentional patterns away from the negative default and helps balance the mental scales.

One Not-So-Obvious-Benefit

The more you gratitude practice, the more likely that it will become an automatic positive habit.

3. Positive Reappraisal

Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) teaches us to challenge automatic negative thoughts and replace them with more balanced interpretations. Instead of perseverating on a critique, ask: “What’s the learning here? Is this really as bad as it feels?”

One Not-So-Obvious-Benefit

The very act of positive reappraisal is one that helps you develop a mindfulness orientation that can help you in many many situations.

4. Limit Negative Exposure

News media, social media, and gossip can flood our brains with negativity. Being mindful of what you consume—and taking breaks—can lower the cumulative emotional toll.

One Not-So-Obvious-Benefit

Limiting negative exposure is akin to reducing stress. And reducing stress has obvious health and emotional well-being benefits.

5. Spread Goodness Intentionally

Because people tend to remember negative feedback more strongly, it takes effort to create a positive environment. Give praise generously, celebrate small wins, and go out of your way to express appreciation. In your workplace, home, or community, these positive acts are vital emotional counterweights.

One Not-So-Obvious-Benefit

When you intentionally spread goodness, you inadvertently and automatically raise your attractiveness. Moreover, you serve as a positive role model, especially to peers and children.

To conclude, the brain is a remarkable, selective storyteller. It writes bold headlines for threats and tragedy, but often buries the joyful details on page ten. That’s why bad is stronger than good—and why it takes conscious effort to let the good in and let it grow. You can’t change the fact that bad news hits harder, but you can choose to become someone who writes more positive chapters into the lives of others—and yourself.

                                                                        References

Baumeister, R. F., Bratslavsky, E., Finkenauer, C., & Vohs, K. D. (2001). Bad is stronger than good. Review of General Psychology, 5(4), 323–370. https://doi.org/10.1037/1089-2680.5.4.323

Cacioppo, J. T., Gardner, W. L., & Berntson, G. G. (1999). The affect system has parallel and integrative processing components: Form follows function. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76(5), 839–855. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.5.839

Fredrickson, B. L. (2004). The broaden-and-build theory of positive emotions. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 359(1449), 1367–1377.

Gottman, J. M. (1994). Why Marriages Succeed or Fail. New York: Simon & Schuster.

McCusker, P. J. (2016)  Don't Rest in Peace: Activity-Oriented Physical and Mental Health. New York: Amazon.

Seligman, M. E. P., Steen, T. A., Park, N., & Peterson, C. (2005). Positive psychology progress: empirical validation of interventions. American Psychologist, 60(5), 410–421.